1. Introduction 

Cyberbullying has been found to exert long-lasting detrimental effects on the mental health of its victims [1]. Consequently, the implementation of effective prevention and intervention strategies has become a critical priority across schools and educational institutions. Numerous theoretical frameworks have been developed worldwide to guide cyberbullying prevention efforts, integrating both theoretical and practical approaches. These frameworks are typically adapted to the specific psychological, policy, and socio-cultural contexts of individual countries.

Vietnam, as a developing nation, has only recently begun to examine cyberbullying systematically [2], [3], [4], [5], [6]. As of January 2020, the country had over 68.17 million internet users, with high school students comprising a significant proportion of this population. The most prevalent forms of victimization included harassment through pranks, silent phone calls, insults on instant messaging platforms, and derogatory comments on websites. Interestingly, no significant gender differences were observed in either the perpetration or victimization of cyberbullying. Despite these findings, digital literacy and online safety education remain limited, as students are rarely provided with formal guidance on responsible internet use [7].

2. Literature review

2.1. Definition of Cyberbullying

The conceptualization of cyberbullying has largely been informed by foundational definitions of traditional bullying, reflecting a significant degree of overlap between the two constructs [8]. Empirical studies have demonstrated a consistent correlation between experiences of bullying in offline and online settings [9]. However, the emergence and proliferation of digital communication platforms have necessitated a re-evaluation and refinement of these definitions to account for the unique dynamics of online environments. [10] offer one of the most widely cited definitions, describing cyberbullying as "an aggressive, intentional act carried out by a group or individual, using electronic forms of contact, repeatedly and over time against a victim who cannot easily defend him or herself." Further elaborations on the concept have been provided in more recent studies. For the purposes of the present study, the following definition is adopted: “Cyberbullying refers to any action executed via electronic or digital means by a group or an individual that repeatedly conveys hostile or aggressive messages aimed at causing harm or discomfort to others” [11]. This definition is particularly suited to the scope of this research, as it integrates both the technological context and the psychological impact associated with cyberbullying.

Cyberbullying, while retaining key elements of traditional bullying, intentional harm, power imbalance, and repetition [10] is distinct in its digital execution. Unlike face-to-face aggression, cyberbullying does not require physical proximity and often operates under anonymity, intensifying the victim's sense of vulnerability [12]. Digital platforms extend the reach of aggression into otherwise safe spaces, amplifying emotional and psychological harm. While many victims know their aggressors [13] anonymity lowers barriers for participation in harmful behavior. Moreover, power imbalances may emerge from digital-specific dynamics, including technological proficiency or access to private content [8]. These nuanced differences necessitate refined conceptual frameworks to guide both identification and intervention [11].

2.2. Key characteristics of Cyberbullying

2.2.1. Anonymity

Several scholars identify anonymity as a key differentiator between traditional and cyberbullying [14], [15], [16]. While perpetrators of traditional bullying, particularly those spreading rumors, may also employ a degree of anonymity, cyberbullying inherently offers enhanced anonymity due to its online nature and lack of face-to-face interaction. This heightened anonymity appears particularly significant in indirect cyberbullying within public online spaces, as it can impede intervention efforts when the perpetrator remains unidentified [17].

Another crucial characteristic of cyberbullying is its constant availability [15]. The 24/7 nature of online platforms means victims have no respite, potentially receiving harassing content, such as emails, text messages, or other harmful materials at any time (Hinduja & Patchin, 2015). Furthermore, the rapid dissemination of harassing material to a potentially vast audience constitutes another distinguishing feature of cyberbullying [14], [18].

Patchin and Hinduja (2006) propose that anonymity online could potentially mitigate the influence of race and gender, fostering an environment less susceptible to cultural and gender-based biases. However, this anonymity also introduces risks, such as individuals misrepresenting their identities, age, or gender. While it is often argued that anonymity facilitates cyberbullying by reducing accountability, research by Smith et al. [10] suggests that many victims of cyberbullying know their tormentors, indicating that anonymity may not be the primary motivating factor.

2.2.2. Power imbalance

The notion of power imbalance is widely recognized as a fundamental element of bullying, and in the context of cyberbullying, this imbalance assumes distinct forms that set it apart from general online disputes [10]. While in traditional bullying contexts, power disparities often arise from physical dominance, social influence, or age differences, cyberbullying introduces alternative sources of imbalance. Scholars have suggested that technological proficiency, particularly in the form of superior Information and communication technologies (ICT) skills, can contribute significantly to the power differential between aggressors and victims [19], [20]. Perpetrators with advanced digital literacy may exploit their expertise to manipulate content, access private accounts, or disseminate harmful information more effectively than their less digitally fluent victims [19].

Anonymity is another factor frequently cited as a contributor to power imbalance in online contexts. Drawing upon empirical research, the identity of the perpetrator in cyberbullying incidents is frequently unknown to the victim [21], [10]. The inability to identify the perpetrator places victims at a significant disadvantage, as the aggressor operates from a concealed position of control while the victim remains exposed and defenceless [21]. This sense of powerlessness is further exacerbated when victims are subjected to public humiliation or ridicule from a potentially vast and anonymous cyber audience [22]. The imbalance becomes even more pronounced when the aggressor possesses compromising materials such as sensitive images, videos, or personal information, which can be widely distributed online, thereby intensifying the psychological impact and reinforcing the power disparity [11]. Moreover, cyberbullying may involve multiple perpetrators or widespread audience participation, even if the original aggression was initiated by a small group. Victims may receive a flood of harmful comments, shares, or reactions, which collectively create an overwhelming sense of being outnumbered and socially isolated [23]. This collective dynamic amplifies the victim’s sense of helplessness and makes it increasingly difficult to respond, resist, or recover from the bullying experience.

2.2.3. Publicity

Public instances of bullying are consistently perceived as more severe than private ones, across both traditional and cyberbullying contexts. Research by Nocentini et al. [24]. Slonje and Smith [21] and Smith and Slonje [25] highlights that the public nature of the bullying incident has a greater impact on perceived severity than the medium through which it occurs. Adolescents emphasize the significance of publicity in shaping their experiences of bullying [24], and empirical studies, including experimental research and qualitative interviews demonstrate that public exposure to victimization tends to provoke stronger emotional distress compared to incidents that remain private. This can occur independently of the perpetrator’s continued involvement, as public content can be rapidly disseminated and repeatedly viewed. The visibility of such acts increases the likelihood of further distribution by others, thereby amplifying the harm inflicted [26], [24].

Another factor contributing to the heightened severity of public bullying is the limited controllability over the situation. Unlike private incidents, where disclosure is restricted, public episodes often reach a much larger audience, such as classmates, peers, or entire online communities, making containment and damage control significantly more difficult. This lack of control is exacerbated when the content is already circulating online. Psychological literature suggests that perceived helplessness in uncontrollable situations is linked to maladaptive emotional responses and coping mechanisms [27], which are, in turn, associated with depressive symptoms. As such, the public and uncontrollable nature of cyberbullying may partially explain why it is more strongly associated with depressive outcomes than traditional, face-to-face bullying [28].

2.3. Prevalence of Cyberbullying Globally

Although cyberbullying is widely recognised as a growing issue in contemporary society, its precise prevalence remains uncertain ([29]. Empirical studies have reported a broad range of estimates, with between 10% and 35% of children and adolescents indicating that they have experienced cyberbullying [30], [31], [29]. However, the actual prevalence may be higher than these figures suggest, as more than half of students report knowing someone who has been targeted by cyberbullying, indicating a potentially wider scope of the problem than is captured through self-report data [31].

One of the primary reasons for such variation in reported prevalence is the lack of consistency in how cyberbullying is defined across studies. Specifically, research that excludes certain behaviours, such as nuisance or prank calls, from its operational definition of cyberbullying tends to report lower incidence rates compared to studies with broader definitional criteria. Furthermore, as internet usage and access to digital technologies among children and young people have increased over time, so too has the potential for online victimisation, which may account for fluctuations in prevalence data across different periods. 

In the United States, Brochado et al. (2017) conducted a meta-analytic review and found cyberbullying victimisation rates as high as 50%, with a median prevalence of approximately 18%. Perpetration rates were also notable, reaching up to 30%, with a median of about 15%. The legal landscape in the U.S. further complicates the issue; in the absence of federal laws explicitly addressing cyberbullying, individual states have enacted their own legislative measures to combat such behaviour [32].

European studies reveal similar patterns. Sorrentino et al. [33], in a cross-national study involving 4,847 students from eight European countries, reported that cyberbullying perpetration was most prevalent in Bulgaria and Hungary and least prevalent in Spain. On average, 17% of males and 11% of females reported engaging in cyberbullying behaviour, while victimisation rates were 16.5% for males and 16.4% for females, indicating near parity in victim experiences across genders. A broader examination by Lobe et al. [34] of 25 European countries found lower average rates, with approximately 6% of young people reporting cyberbullying victimisation and 3% reporting perpetration. Nevertheless, certain countries stood out; Romania and Estonia exhibited the highest levels of victimisation, with prevalence rates of 14% and 13%, respectively. 

2.4. Social Media Landscape and Usage Patterns in Vietnam

Vietnam exhibits a remarkably high rate of internet and social media penetration. As of January 2024, there were approximately 78.44 million internet users in Vietnam, representing 79.1% of the total population. Social media usage is similarly widespread, with 72.70 million social media users in January 2024, equating to 73.3% of the total population. Notably, among the population aged 18 and above, social media penetration is even higher, reaching approximately 99.2% [35]. The surge in technology usage has resulted in problematic behaviors linked to internet use, such as social media addiction and cyberbullying.

The most popular social media platforms in Vietnam reflect a mix of global giants and a prominent domestic player. Facebook remains dominant, with 72.7 million users in early 2024, indicating its widespread use for communication and content sharing. TikTok has rapidly ascended to become the second most popular platform, boasting 67.72 million users aged 18 and above in early 2024, and demonstrating significant growth. YouTube also maintains a substantial user base, with around 63 million users. Critically, Zalo, a Vietnamese-born messaging and social networking platform, holds comparable popularity to Facebook, with 75 million active users as of 2023, highlighting its deep integration into Vietnamese daily digital life, especially for communication and personal connections [36]. Instagram, while globally popular, has a comparatively smaller user base in Vietnam, with around 10.9 million users.

Problematic social media use is significantly associated with engagement in cyberbullying and cyber-victimization, particularly among young adults. Research conducted in Vietnam indicated that social media platforms are primarily utilized by this demographic for perpetrating cyberbullying. This elevated exposure resulting from extensive platform use increases the likelihood of encountering negative online behaviours. Furthermore, this excessive digital engagement is correlated with several detrimental psychological outcomes, including depression, anxiety, low self-esteem, and general psychological distress. 

2.5. Legal and Policy Context of Cyberbullying in Vietnam

At present, cyberbullying is not explicitly defined as a distinct criminal offence under Vietnamese law. Nonetheless, several existing legal instruments, such as the Law on Cybersecurity, Decree 14/2022/ND-CP (which amends Decree 15/2020/ND-CP), and Decree 119/2020/ND-CP, contain provisions that can be applied to address behaviours associated with cyberbullying. Depending on the nature and severity of the incident, as well as the age of the perpetrator, authorities may pursue legal action under the Criminal Code 2015, the Civil Code 2015, or impose administrative sanctions in accordance with relevant decrees.

The legal framework for addressing cyberbullying in Vietnam remains in a developmental stage, and there is potential for more specific legislation to be introduced in the future. While current laws and policies provide a foundation for responding to cyberbullying, their effectiveness depends largely on consistent enforcement and the availability of adequate support and protection mechanisms for victims. In light of Vietnam’s evolving legal and policy framework, the findings from this research offer timely insights that can inform evidence-based policymaking and educational interventions.

2.6. Theoretical framework 

2.6.1. General Strain Theory

General Strain Theory (GST), as proposed by Robert Agnew (1992), posits that individuals who encounter significant strains or stressors are likely to experience negative emotional states, which may lead to deviant coping mechanisms, including crime. These strains can deplete an individual's conventional resources for managing adversity, increasing the probability of maladaptive responses like aggression or withdrawal. Applied to the context of cyberbullying, GST suggests that negative life events, social exclusion, and academic pressures can serve as catalysts for both online aggression and detrimental outcomes for its victims. While not all young people who experience strain will engage in deviant acts, research indicates a strong link between victimization and delinquency. 

The experience of being a victim of bullying constitutes a severe and prolonged strain that can compel individuals toward deviant coping mechanisms. Victims often manifest a complex set of emotional and psychological vulnerabilities. According to Olweus [37], these individuals tend to be more anxious, insecure, and emotionally sensitive than their peers. The consistent emotional assault can lead to feelings of inadequacy, shame, and a negative self-perception, often causing them to view themselves as failures [37]. This persistent strain is also strongly correlated with a variety of mental health issues, including depression, anxiety, parasuicide, and self-harm, underscoring the severe psychological toll of chronic victimization [38]. General Strain Theory (GST) provides a valuable framework for understanding the complex dynamics of cyberbullying. This theoretical lens is particularly useful for analyzing both the perpetration and victimization of cyberbullying within a university student population.

2.7. Synthesis & Research Gap

This synthesis aims to consolidate the findings from key Vietnamese academic works, providing a comprehensive overview of the current state of research. By examining the methodologies, key finding, and limitations of these studies, we can identify crucial gaps in the literature and highlight the need for further, more nuanced investigations to inform effective and culturally appropriate prevention and intervention strategies.

Table 1 shows the findings from key Vietnamese academic works, providing a comprehensive overview of the current state of research. Firstly, a primary and most evident gap is the paucity of research specifically focused on Vietnamese university students. Much of the available research on cyberbullying in Vietnam has either targeted adolescents in high schools or provided a broad overview of youth behavior without a specific focus on the university population. University students represent a unique demographic, they are young adults navigating a period of increasing independence, social freedom, and academic pressure. Their cyberbullying experiences may differ significantly from those of younger students, yet this specific group remains largely under-researched.

Secondly, there is a distinct lack of in-depth qualitative or mixed-methods studies. The majority of existing research in the region, and globally, relies on quantitative survey data to measure prevalence rates and identify general trends. While valuable, this approach often fails to capture the nuanced, subjective "lived experiences" of cyberbullying. There is a need to understand how students in Hanoi perceive, interpret, and make sense of their experiences. Qualitative research, such as interviews or focus groups, can uncover the specific emotional, psychological, and social complexities that quantitative data cannot, including the unique cultural dimensions of shame, face, and social hierarchy. In summary, this study aims to address these critical gaps by providing a nuanced, context-specific analysis that can inform more effective and culturally appropriate strategies for prevention and intervention.

3.  Methodology

This study will adopt a mixed-methods research design, integrating both quantitative and qualitative approaches to provide a comprehensive and nuanced understanding of cyberbullying experiences among Vietnamese university students in Hanoi. Mixed-method research integrates qualitative and quantitative approaches either concurrently or sequentially to produce more comprehensive and robust findings than those derived from a single method. This combined approach enables a deeper examination of complex phenomena and relationships within human and social contexts [39]. This methodology is particularly suited to the research questions as it allows for the breadth of statistical data to be enriched with the depth of personal narratives, offering a holistic perspective on the phenomenon. The study will follow an exploratory sequential design, where the initial qualitative phase will inform the development and refinement of the subsequent quantitative phase.

4. Research results and analysis finding 

4.1. Quantitative Results

4.1.1. Description of the study objects  

Table 2 outlines the demographic and behavioral characteristics of the study sample. Of the 226 valid participants, male students constituted the largest proportion, accounting for 51.8%. With age distribution, the majority (63.7%) were between 18 and 24 years old. In terms of online activity, most respondents (37.6%) reported using the Internet for approximately one to two hours per day.

4.1.2. Experiences of cyberbullying   

As detailed in Table 3, cyberbullying most frequently manifested as verbal harassment, with 130 of the 226 students reporting that they were called slang words, made fun of, or mocked online or via text message. The second most common form was reputational harm, as 51.8% of students indicated they were subjected to the spreading of false rumors online or by phone. In contrast, the prevalence of other forms was lower, with 45.6% of students reporting image-based harassment (e.g., posting upsetting messages or photos online) and 30.5% experiencing digital threats or stigmatization.

4.1.3. Coping with cyberbullying 

Table 4 shows that students employed a variety of coping strategies. Social support was common, with 38.5% confiding in friends or family and 31.9% seeking comfort from peers. Avoidance strategies were also frequent: 38.5% blocked or unfriended the bully, 31% reported incidents to platform administrators, and around 30% either saved evidence or directly confronted the bully. Emotion-focused coping was reflected in 35.4% expressing sadness, 23% reframing the situation positively, and 20.4% using distractions such as music or movies. Maladaptive coping was less frequent but still present, with 14.2% blaming themselves. Overall, students combined proactive, avoidant, and emotional strategies, however it still can not address the root causes of online harassment.

4.2. Qualititative Results

Theme 1: The sites of cyberbullying

According to the majority of participants, Facebook is the platform where they are more prone to experiencing or witnessing cyberbullying. This includes personal Facebook pages, Instagram,  Zalo (an instant messaging platform which is popular among Vietnamese people). The participants mentioned that unofficial school Facebook pages such as Confession, are a common venue for cyberbullying to occur. These publicly accessible pages are independently created by students as anonymous platforms to express their emotions, grievances, or criticisms regarding individuals or issues associated with their educational institution. One of the victims expressed that:

“Honestly, most of the bullying I’ve seen or experienced happened on Facebook. Things like mean comments under posts or people posting in those school Confession pages. Because it’s public, everyone can see it.” [20, F]

Another interviewee indicated:

“Those Confession pages on Facebook are the worst. Anyone can post anonymously, and once something bad about you goes up there, everyone in school talks about it. It feels like you can’t defend yourself because you don’t even know who posted it.” [18, F]

Several participants reported incidents of online harassment, notably involving the unauthorized distribution of personal images via messaging applications such as Zalo, which is widely used in Vietnam, particularly in professional and educational contexts. One participant recounted their own experience as follows:

"I felt really upset when I found out that some of my classmates had saved pictures from my private Instagram story without asking me and then shared them in our class Zalo group without my permission."  [21, M]

Another interviewee indicates: 

“For me, it was mainly on Facebook Messenger groups. Some classmates would leave hurtful messages or spread rumors about me in group chats, and I only found out when someone showed me the screenshots.” [20, F]

Theme 2: The characteristics of cyberbullying

The qualitative interviews consistently revealed that participants identified several defining characteristics of cyberbullying that contributed significantly to its impact: anonymity, publicity, and distinct power imbalances. These features were directly associated with the victims' experience of heightened negative affective states, frequently eliciting feelings of sadness, anger, and profound helplessness.

Anonymity

Anonymity emerged as a prominent theme across the majority of interviews, with many participants identifying it as a core characteristic of cyberbullying. The ability of perpetrators to remain unidentified enables them to target victims without accountability. Nearly half of the respondents reported experiencing anonymous attacks, which significantly contributed to a sense of powerlessness. This lack of identifiable perpetrators posed a major barrier to victims attempting to respond, particularly in efforts to remove those harmful or defamatory content from social media platforms. Several participants described this sense of helplessness in their narratives, emphasizing how anonymity amplified the psychological distress caused by the bullying:

“When you don’t know who the person is, there’s no way to ask them to take down what they posted, like “dìm”[a slang term in the Vietnamese language means to "sabotage" someone’s appearance, like posting a photo that makes them look funny, ugly, or awkward on purpose] photos or videos. It’s really frustrating because you can’t do anything about it.” [20, F]

Another interviewee added:

"Honestly… the scariest part for me about being cyberbullied was the anonymity. I got these anonymous messages through one of those Confession pages that people usually share on their stories. At first, I thought it was just for fun, but then someone started sending really mean stuff like, ‘You’re so fake,’ or "such a countryside loser', and even made comments about my appearance. The worst part was, I had no idea who was behind it. And because I didn’t know who it was, I started feeling paranoid all the time, like I couldn’t trust anyone, always second-guessing people around me." [18, F]

Furthermore, several participants reported that perpetrators often concealed their identities on social media platforms by using anonymous or fake accounts to target individuals, particularly on sites such as Facebook and Instagram. As one participant described:

"At my school, there are usually Zalo or Facebook class groups, and even some unofficial side groups. One time, someone created a clone account with no information about who they were and started spamming messages in the group to badmouth me… I never found out who was behind it." [21, M]

Power Imbalance 

A recurring theme identified in the interviews was the imbalance of power between perpetrators and victims in online interactions. This imbalance did not necessarily stem from physical dominance, as in traditional bullying, but was instead shaped by social influence, digital capital, and institutional positioning.

Several participants emphasized that perpetrators often enjoyed higher levels of popularity or visibility on social media platforms or in university.

“At school, there are some popular students with lots of followers on Facebook. One time they posted a status throwing shade at me, and then their friends jumped in, reacted with ‘haha,’ and shared it everywhere.”[18, F]

“What I noticed most is that the bullies usually have wide connections, like they know people in clubs or the student union. So I didn’t dare to say anything, because I was afraid it might affect my conduct score or my chances to join activities at school.” [20, M]

The interviews also revealed that social connections within the university context further contributed to this imbalance. 

“For example, in my faculty, there were some older students who created private chat groups to spread false rumors. Since they were close to the union staff, I didn’t even dare to ask anyone to step in.” [20, F]

Publicity  

A significant proportion of participants [4 of 8 (50%)] underscored the public visibility of cyberbullying, noting that victims were left vulnerable to public exposure and attracting a wider audience of bystanders. Participants consistently articulated that online assaults were not limited to private interactions but were made visible to a large audience, which amplified the humiliation and psychological distress experienced. The rapid dissemination of information on digital platforms, such as Facebook and group chats, was identified as a key factor that exacerbated the psychological impact on the victim. For instance, one participant recalled: 

 “Just overnight, a post mocking me was shared everywhere, and the next day when I went to class, everyone already seemed to know” . [18, F]

The visibility of such posts within large online communities, including official faculty groups, created a sense of being “publicly shamed.” As one student explained: 

“In my faculty’s Facebook group, once something is posted, hundreds of people can see it immediately. It feels like being humiliated in front of a crowd”. [20, M]

A participant further explained this aspect by stating: 

"The perpetrators might use an anonymous account to post your student ID number online, which makes it easy for your classmates to find and tag you on Facebook. Then, the person who started it and their friends all join in to verbally attack you as a group."  [21, M]

5.  Discussion, conclusions and recommendations

5.1. Analysis Finding  

Cyberbullying among Vietnamese university students is prevalent and diverse, spanning verbal harassment (57.2%), reputational harm (51.8%), and image-based attacks (45.6%). These patterns mirror global trends of verbal aggression as a dominant expression [40], [41]. Qualitative data identifies Facebook "Confession" pages and class groups as primary sites; their inherent anonymity intensifies victim helplessness and psychological harm [42]. Public exposure further amplifies social humiliation [43].

A key finding is the "perpetrator-victim dissonance": attackers often frame harassment as "harmless fun," whereas victims experience severe anxiety and social withdrawal. This is exacerbated by Vietnam’s lack of standardized legal or policy definitions, complicating the distinction between banter and aggression [43]. Furthermore, power imbalances, rooted in digital capital, institutional connections, or regional discrimination (e.g., mocking accents), reflect how cyberbullying is embedded in Vietnamese sociocultural hierarchies [44], [45].

The impacts are severe and multi-dimensional. Psychologically, victims experience chronic stressors including depression, anxiety, and insomnia [46], [47]. Socially, the public nature of digital attacks leads to profound isolation and strained familial relationships. Academically, harassment correlates with lower attainment, reduced class participation, and, in extreme cases, prolonged educational disruption [48], [10].

Critically, current support systems are insufficient. While informal networks provide emotional comfort, they fail to address academic and social fallout. This systemic gap often forces students into maladaptive coping, highlighting an urgent need for holistic university intervention.

Coping mechanisms fall into three categories: avoidant, constructive, and maladaptive. Avoidance (blocking, ignoring) is most common due to perceived lack of support [49]. Constructive efforts, such as seeking peer support, are frequent, but formal reporting to university authorities remains rare. This reveals a significant gap in institutional trust [50].

The reliance on informal networks suggests that while students find emotional relief, they lack professional tools to mitigate long-term damage. Furthermore, 14.2% of victims internalize fault through self-blame, a common outcome when effective coping knowledge is low [51]. Unlike Western contexts with structured reporting [52] the Vietnamese "exosystem" lacks visible policies, leaving students to navigate trauma through individual, often insufficient, means [53].

5.2. Limitations of study 

Our purposive sampling for the qualitative interviews, while useful for gathering in-depth narratives, limits the generalizability of the findings. With only eight participants, our results aren't representative of the broader student population in Hanoi or Vietnam. Similarly, the online survey may have introduced self-selection bias. Students who responded might have been more willing to share their experiences, potentially overestimating the actual prevalence and severity of cyberbullying within the student body.

This study focused specifically on university students in Hanoi. While this provides a valuable, contextually-grounded perspective, the findings may not be applicable to students in other regions of Vietnam, where cultural norms, internet usage patterns, and support systems may differ. 

5.3. Future research directions

Based on this study's limitations, future research should adopt a longitudinal design to better understand how cyberbullying and coping strategies evolve over time. To improve generalizability and address sampling bias, future studies could use random or stratified sampling and a larger qualitative sample.

The scope of inquiry should also be expanded. Researchers should investigate the motivations of perpetrators and the roles of bystanders, as this study focused mainly on victims. Additionally, comparative studies across different regions of Vietnam (e.g., urban vs. rural) could reveal how cultural factors influence cyberbullying.

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